From League of the South:
What Would It Take To Get You To Fight?
Dr. J. Michael Hill, LS President
(Presented on 30 July 2011 at The League of the South national conference in Abbeville, South Carolina)
WHAT would it take to get you to fight? I’m not speaking figuratively but literally. What would it take to turn you into a William Wallace or a Robert Bruce, an Issac Shelby or a Francis Marion, a Bedford Forrest or a John Pelham, a Michael Collins or a Tom Barry?
Before you answer, ponder some things and count the costs. First, what is so valuable to you that it is indispensable to life itself? Ordered liberty? Loved ones? The place that sustains you and that you call home? The free and unfettered practice of your Christian faith?
These are the things that are important to me, as I suspect they are to you, too. What would my life be without them? Would it be worth living? My answer is “no.” I had rather die than suffer to have these blessings taken from me. And I would also die rather than see my kinsmen deprived of them. Because when I and my kinsmen together are denied these life-giving things, our civilization will die.
Neither man’s law nor his traditions should necessarily keep free men from a solemn defense of these blessings. For what is law or tradition if it seeks not the well being of those it purports to serve? Law becomes tyranny and tradition the justification for it.
WE are not made to live in isolation; rather, we here in the South are a people. Our ancestors came from Europe, but we long ago ceased to be Europeans. We are in a sense Westerners (to differentiate us from the various peoples of the Orient), but that designation is too loose and amorphous. For the last four centuries we have been becoming Southerners. The South is where we make our stand. It is our home.
Our ancestors fought, bled, and died through the ages to give us ordered liberty and prosperity. We come from a long line of fierce and Godly men and women who would not bend the knee to tyranny. Some seven centuries ago (6 April 1320), after the execution of William Wallace and the subsequent triumphs of Robert Bruce, our Scottish ancestors gave us the Declaration of Arbroath, which reads, in part, as follows:
“But from these countless evils we have been set free, by the help of Him Who though He afflicts yet heals and restores, by our most tireless Prince, King and Lord, the Lord Robert [Bruce]. He, that his people and his heritage might be delivered out of the hands of our enemies, met toil and fatigue, hunger and peril, like another Macabaeus or Joshua and bore them cheerfully. Him, too, divine providence, his right of succession according to or laws and customs which we shall maintain to the death, and the due consent and assent of us all have made our Prince and King. To him, as to the man by whom salvation has been wrought unto our people, we are bound both by law and by his merits that our freedom may be still maintained, and by him, come what may, we mean to stand. Yet if he should give up what he has begun, and agree to make us or our kingdom subject to the King of England or the English, we should exert ourselves at once to drive him out as our enemy and a subverter of his own rights and ours, and make some other man who was well able to defend us our King; for, as long as but a hundred of us remain alive, never will we on any conditions be brought under English rule. It is in truth not for glory, nor riches, nor honours that we are fighting, but for freedom — for that alone, which no honest man gives up but with life itself.”
Do you, Southern patriot, understand what you’ve just read? The Scottish people, through their representative who drafted and signed this declaration, extend their most humble thanks to the man—King Robert the Bruce—who drove the hated English from their lands. Moreover, they acknowledge Bruce’s right (and that of his successors) to the throne of Scotland and their fealty to him as King—“we are bound both by law and by his merits . . . .” However, there is a caveat: “Yet if he should give up what he has begun, and agree to make us or our kingdom subject to the King of England or the English . . . .” In other words, should the people of Scotland be betrayed by their leader, they would in no ways be bound to continue to obey or serve him against their own interests. Nor should the Southern people consent to serve those who betray their interests in our own day.
Sadly, our true interests were compromised and sold for a mess of pottage by our so-called leaders a long time ago. For instance, if the South had had real leaders of the people there would have been no second reconstruction known as the civil rights movement. Nor would there have been a Republican Party take-over of Dixie beginning in the 1960s. Nor would we have become a tame and servile economic colony to the interests of international business and banking. No. Had the natural leaders of the South lead us instead of betraying us, then we would be a free and prosperous people in 2011. But because they sold us out for their own pursuit of wealth and power, we must do as the Scottish people threatened to do in the 14th century—we must look to ourselves alone and what resources we can muster at the late and perilous hour.
The prime resource, as it were, is found up here, in our heads. It is the realization that we are no longer “free” in the sense that our forefathers were. Though I do tend toward hyperbole from time to time, I am not exaggerating now. Things may seem normal to some degree, but they are not. Since the fall of 2008, we have been robbed, and not just we who are alive today but our children, grandchildren, and generations of Southerners yet unborn. The American kleptocracy has stolen your patrimony in broad, open daylight, laughing at you all the while. When anyone questioned their tactics, they trotted out the old “financial Armageddon” argument, bolstered by visions of martial law across the land. Our people acted as if they barely noticed and then went back into their self-induced coma. It is truly pitiful to see an enslaved population that believes it is free. They wear their chains as if to make a fashion statement.
There are indeed today few men able and willing to think for themselves and to provide for their family’s needs without some sort of government assistance. Compare an average man off the street in 2011 with a frontiersman from two centuries ago. I’m not talking about comparative skills—rather, I’m talking about attitude. One is dependent and slavish; the other, independent and proud. One makes good fodder for a declining and decadent empire; the other was the raw material for a young and energetic republic. One has no idea what his true God-given rights are; the other knew them and would die defending them. Simply put, one is a sheep; the other a man.
In order to properly and effectively “play the men,” to use a Biblical allusion, and to put up a good fight, we need to remember twelve fundamental rules:
The mantra “Violence [or the serious threat thereof] never settles anything” is patently false. History shows that it indeed does settle many things. Please don’t forget this—your enemy hasn’t.
Never underestimate your enemy but always make him underestimate you. There are some advantages to being perceived as “dumb Southerners . . .”
Educate yourself –don’t be content to be part of the herd. Learn useful things. Stupid, lazy people are not free people.
Don’t take anything for granted. Things are not always what they seem. Tomorrow is not guaranteed to be the same as today. Your own personal and family routine can be disrupted quite easily. Do you have a contingency plan?
Be a leader—don’t be a sheep (unless Christ is your Shepherd). Generate your own solutions instead of waiting for someone else to do it for you. How many times have I gotten a phone call from a League member who complains that nothing is happening in his area? What do I tell him . . . ?
Get tough, mentally, physically, spiritually, and emotionally. The weak will surely perish. Don’t be afraid to be seen as a dissenter. Speak your mind—you’ll find people will respect you for it and will listen to what you have to say. Be willing to take risks. And most importantly, don’t take counsel from your fears. This is what the enemy expects you to do in the face of his superior strength (so he thinks). Disappoint him . . .
Don’t engage the enemy on ground of his own choosing. Don’t accept his labels—“domestic terrorist,” “right-wing extremist,” “racist,” “anti-semite,” etc. These terms are meant to shame and marginalize you. Know you own mind and laugh them off. This is quite unsettling to the enemy. Once he sees that you don’t wish to be accepted into his “society,” then he loses a major weapon (ostracization) to use against you.
Be unpredictable. If the enemy expects you to do “A,” then do “B.” Be creative with this category . . .
Pay heed to your experiences in all things. If something works, use it. If something fails, abandon it. If something is necessary, keep it; if it proves useless, get rid of it. This includes the mental as well as the physical. Don’t allow useless sentiments or junk to rule you. Get rid of anything that is a drag on your ability to be an effective warrior for Southern independence.
Know hope. You will make mistakes. Just don’t make big ones that cannot be overcome. Don’t give in to cynicism, defeatism, or nihilism—they will assure your ultimate destruction. Be realistic but never abandon your sense of optimism and hope for the future. Never fall victim to complacency—you can always do better.
He who is willing to die for a cause will defeat one who isn’t. Always act as if you are fighting in the last ditch for the survival of all you hold dear. The enemy does intend on killing you and taking all you have. He has made this fight personal—you had better take it that way.
We are already at war—we just don’t know it. One instance: Immigration. This is not just a matter of policy. It’s a matter of our very survival as white men and women of European Christian stock on this land we call the South. It is a zero sum game—we win or they win. There is no middle ground for compromise. Losing means that my grandchildren will grow up in a third world country. Multiculturalism and diversity means “we” cease to exist as a viable and prosperous people. Another instance: the criminal banksters—led by Bernanke and Geithner--and their politician-whores in Washington, DC, are in the process of stealing the wealth of the Southern middle and working class. We should have already considered this a declaration of war against us, for how can a man survive if he is robbed of his very sustenance. And the whole scheme is being pulled off under color of law. If this does not make you want to fight, then you don’t belong in our organization.
CONCLUSION
ON March 23rd 1775, in Virginia, the largest colony in America, a meeting of the colony's delegates was held in St. John's church in Richmond. Resolutions were presented by Patrick Henry putting the colony of Virginia "into a posture of defense...embodying, arming, and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose." Before the vote was taken on his resolutions, Henry delivered his most noteworthy speech, imploring the delegates to vote in favor. I will now quote part of that very familiar speech; however, I will stop before the most famous part—the last four paragraphs. I’ll leave those for you to ponder on your own.
Now, Mr. Henry:
“This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?
. . . Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation -- the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.
Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.
Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.
If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!”
May God give us the courage He gave to our Southern colonial and Confederate ancestors to resist tyrants in the cause of Christian liberty. May God bless you and may He save the South!
Dr. J. Michael Hill, of Alabama, is President of The League of the South and the author of Celtic Warfare and Fire & Sword. He is also a frequent lecturer on Southern cultural issues. [contact him]
What Would It Take To Get You To Fight?
Dr. J. Michael Hill, LS President
(Presented on 30 July 2011 at The League of the South national conference in Abbeville, South Carolina)
WHAT would it take to get you to fight? I’m not speaking figuratively but literally. What would it take to turn you into a William Wallace or a Robert Bruce, an Issac Shelby or a Francis Marion, a Bedford Forrest or a John Pelham, a Michael Collins or a Tom Barry?
Before you answer, ponder some things and count the costs. First, what is so valuable to you that it is indispensable to life itself? Ordered liberty? Loved ones? The place that sustains you and that you call home? The free and unfettered practice of your Christian faith?
These are the things that are important to me, as I suspect they are to you, too. What would my life be without them? Would it be worth living? My answer is “no.” I had rather die than suffer to have these blessings taken from me. And I would also die rather than see my kinsmen deprived of them. Because when I and my kinsmen together are denied these life-giving things, our civilization will die.
Neither man’s law nor his traditions should necessarily keep free men from a solemn defense of these blessings. For what is law or tradition if it seeks not the well being of those it purports to serve? Law becomes tyranny and tradition the justification for it.
WE are not made to live in isolation; rather, we here in the South are a people. Our ancestors came from Europe, but we long ago ceased to be Europeans. We are in a sense Westerners (to differentiate us from the various peoples of the Orient), but that designation is too loose and amorphous. For the last four centuries we have been becoming Southerners. The South is where we make our stand. It is our home.
Our ancestors fought, bled, and died through the ages to give us ordered liberty and prosperity. We come from a long line of fierce and Godly men and women who would not bend the knee to tyranny. Some seven centuries ago (6 April 1320), after the execution of William Wallace and the subsequent triumphs of Robert Bruce, our Scottish ancestors gave us the Declaration of Arbroath, which reads, in part, as follows:
“But from these countless evils we have been set free, by the help of Him Who though He afflicts yet heals and restores, by our most tireless Prince, King and Lord, the Lord Robert [Bruce]. He, that his people and his heritage might be delivered out of the hands of our enemies, met toil and fatigue, hunger and peril, like another Macabaeus or Joshua and bore them cheerfully. Him, too, divine providence, his right of succession according to or laws and customs which we shall maintain to the death, and the due consent and assent of us all have made our Prince and King. To him, as to the man by whom salvation has been wrought unto our people, we are bound both by law and by his merits that our freedom may be still maintained, and by him, come what may, we mean to stand. Yet if he should give up what he has begun, and agree to make us or our kingdom subject to the King of England or the English, we should exert ourselves at once to drive him out as our enemy and a subverter of his own rights and ours, and make some other man who was well able to defend us our King; for, as long as but a hundred of us remain alive, never will we on any conditions be brought under English rule. It is in truth not for glory, nor riches, nor honours that we are fighting, but for freedom — for that alone, which no honest man gives up but with life itself.”
Do you, Southern patriot, understand what you’ve just read? The Scottish people, through their representative who drafted and signed this declaration, extend their most humble thanks to the man—King Robert the Bruce—who drove the hated English from their lands. Moreover, they acknowledge Bruce’s right (and that of his successors) to the throne of Scotland and their fealty to him as King—“we are bound both by law and by his merits . . . .” However, there is a caveat: “Yet if he should give up what he has begun, and agree to make us or our kingdom subject to the King of England or the English . . . .” In other words, should the people of Scotland be betrayed by their leader, they would in no ways be bound to continue to obey or serve him against their own interests. Nor should the Southern people consent to serve those who betray their interests in our own day.
Sadly, our true interests were compromised and sold for a mess of pottage by our so-called leaders a long time ago. For instance, if the South had had real leaders of the people there would have been no second reconstruction known as the civil rights movement. Nor would there have been a Republican Party take-over of Dixie beginning in the 1960s. Nor would we have become a tame and servile economic colony to the interests of international business and banking. No. Had the natural leaders of the South lead us instead of betraying us, then we would be a free and prosperous people in 2011. But because they sold us out for their own pursuit of wealth and power, we must do as the Scottish people threatened to do in the 14th century—we must look to ourselves alone and what resources we can muster at the late and perilous hour.
The prime resource, as it were, is found up here, in our heads. It is the realization that we are no longer “free” in the sense that our forefathers were. Though I do tend toward hyperbole from time to time, I am not exaggerating now. Things may seem normal to some degree, but they are not. Since the fall of 2008, we have been robbed, and not just we who are alive today but our children, grandchildren, and generations of Southerners yet unborn. The American kleptocracy has stolen your patrimony in broad, open daylight, laughing at you all the while. When anyone questioned their tactics, they trotted out the old “financial Armageddon” argument, bolstered by visions of martial law across the land. Our people acted as if they barely noticed and then went back into their self-induced coma. It is truly pitiful to see an enslaved population that believes it is free. They wear their chains as if to make a fashion statement.
There are indeed today few men able and willing to think for themselves and to provide for their family’s needs without some sort of government assistance. Compare an average man off the street in 2011 with a frontiersman from two centuries ago. I’m not talking about comparative skills—rather, I’m talking about attitude. One is dependent and slavish; the other, independent and proud. One makes good fodder for a declining and decadent empire; the other was the raw material for a young and energetic republic. One has no idea what his true God-given rights are; the other knew them and would die defending them. Simply put, one is a sheep; the other a man.
In order to properly and effectively “play the men,” to use a Biblical allusion, and to put up a good fight, we need to remember twelve fundamental rules:
The mantra “Violence [or the serious threat thereof] never settles anything” is patently false. History shows that it indeed does settle many things. Please don’t forget this—your enemy hasn’t.
Never underestimate your enemy but always make him underestimate you. There are some advantages to being perceived as “dumb Southerners . . .”
Educate yourself –don’t be content to be part of the herd. Learn useful things. Stupid, lazy people are not free people.
Don’t take anything for granted. Things are not always what they seem. Tomorrow is not guaranteed to be the same as today. Your own personal and family routine can be disrupted quite easily. Do you have a contingency plan?
Be a leader—don’t be a sheep (unless Christ is your Shepherd). Generate your own solutions instead of waiting for someone else to do it for you. How many times have I gotten a phone call from a League member who complains that nothing is happening in his area? What do I tell him . . . ?
Get tough, mentally, physically, spiritually, and emotionally. The weak will surely perish. Don’t be afraid to be seen as a dissenter. Speak your mind—you’ll find people will respect you for it and will listen to what you have to say. Be willing to take risks. And most importantly, don’t take counsel from your fears. This is what the enemy expects you to do in the face of his superior strength (so he thinks). Disappoint him . . .
Don’t engage the enemy on ground of his own choosing. Don’t accept his labels—“domestic terrorist,” “right-wing extremist,” “racist,” “anti-semite,” etc. These terms are meant to shame and marginalize you. Know you own mind and laugh them off. This is quite unsettling to the enemy. Once he sees that you don’t wish to be accepted into his “society,” then he loses a major weapon (ostracization) to use against you.
Be unpredictable. If the enemy expects you to do “A,” then do “B.” Be creative with this category . . .
Pay heed to your experiences in all things. If something works, use it. If something fails, abandon it. If something is necessary, keep it; if it proves useless, get rid of it. This includes the mental as well as the physical. Don’t allow useless sentiments or junk to rule you. Get rid of anything that is a drag on your ability to be an effective warrior for Southern independence.
Know hope. You will make mistakes. Just don’t make big ones that cannot be overcome. Don’t give in to cynicism, defeatism, or nihilism—they will assure your ultimate destruction. Be realistic but never abandon your sense of optimism and hope for the future. Never fall victim to complacency—you can always do better.
He who is willing to die for a cause will defeat one who isn’t. Always act as if you are fighting in the last ditch for the survival of all you hold dear. The enemy does intend on killing you and taking all you have. He has made this fight personal—you had better take it that way.
We are already at war—we just don’t know it. One instance: Immigration. This is not just a matter of policy. It’s a matter of our very survival as white men and women of European Christian stock on this land we call the South. It is a zero sum game—we win or they win. There is no middle ground for compromise. Losing means that my grandchildren will grow up in a third world country. Multiculturalism and diversity means “we” cease to exist as a viable and prosperous people. Another instance: the criminal banksters—led by Bernanke and Geithner--and their politician-whores in Washington, DC, are in the process of stealing the wealth of the Southern middle and working class. We should have already considered this a declaration of war against us, for how can a man survive if he is robbed of his very sustenance. And the whole scheme is being pulled off under color of law. If this does not make you want to fight, then you don’t belong in our organization.
CONCLUSION
ON March 23rd 1775, in Virginia, the largest colony in America, a meeting of the colony's delegates was held in St. John's church in Richmond. Resolutions were presented by Patrick Henry putting the colony of Virginia "into a posture of defense...embodying, arming, and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose." Before the vote was taken on his resolutions, Henry delivered his most noteworthy speech, imploring the delegates to vote in favor. I will now quote part of that very familiar speech; however, I will stop before the most famous part—the last four paragraphs. I’ll leave those for you to ponder on your own.
Now, Mr. Henry:
“This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?
. . . Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation -- the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.
Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.
Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.
If we wish to be free -- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending -- if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!”
May God give us the courage He gave to our Southern colonial and Confederate ancestors to resist tyrants in the cause of Christian liberty. May God bless you and may He save the South!
Dr. J. Michael Hill, of Alabama, is President of The League of the South and the author of Celtic Warfare and Fire & Sword. He is also a frequent lecturer on Southern cultural issues. [contact him]
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